Tuesday, 25 September 2012

Constitutional Recognition of Indigenous Australia

Having submitted on the 20th of September, 2012, a research assignment for Principles of Public Law, concerning the recognition of Indigenous Australians in the Constitution, this article interests me immensely. Essentially, as the article outlines, the Gillard Government has decided to not hold a referendum in relation to this issue in this term of Parliament. Though this is disappointing it may however be, in the long term, beneficial, as more education regarding this issue may be needed before the Australian public feels comfortable altering the Constitution, being our Supreme Law in Australia.

Before writing my assignment I had never really thought about the Constitution or what it represents for Australians. Moreover, I had always thought that constitutionally recognising the Indigenous Peoples of Australia would be any easy task - just add another provision to the Constituion. Unfortunately, what I have discovered from my research, is that is it not that easy. I would love you all to read my assignment regarding this issue, so please have a read!

Click here to read the article

Below is my assignment:

Constitutional Recognition of Indigenous Australia

The Australian Constitution came into being on the 1st of January 1901, however Federation did not stop the debate on its contents.[1] One perennial issue has been the recognition of Indigenous Australia in the Constitution, with the goal of ‘secur[ing] better governmental treatment of Indigenous people and stronger protection of their rights and interests through constitutional amendment.”[2] Recently, the Expert Panel on Indigenous Recognition, appointed by the Gillard Government, presented government and the wider Australian community with a report,[3] summarising their advice on such an issue. The Panel’s Report has encouraged debate on the topic of constitutional recognition of Indigenous Australia and generated considerable media attention. This essay draws on the commentary of Marcia Langton and Megan Davis, and Stuart Rintoul and examines the main concepts of constitutionalism in light of this reform debate so as to explore the relationship between constitutionalism and law reform.[4]   

Proposed Reforms
How Indigenous Australia can be adequately recognised within the Australian Constitution has preoccupied academics and the media. In his speech titled Constitutional Law and Indigenous Australia: Challenge for a parched continent, former High Court Justice Michael Kirby outlines the four principal reforms suggested: Deletion of section 25, inclusion of a non-discrimination provision, amendment or deletion of ‘the races power’ (s 51(xxvi)) and a preamble which explicitly recognises Indigenous Australians.[5] This essay will focus on these reforms, as their respective merits and weaknesses will be analysed through the lens of constitutionalism.

The Rule of Law
The Rule of Law is a frequently employed phrase in the debate regarding the constitutional recognition of Indigenous Australians. In media coverage and academic writing on this issue, the rule of law recurrently citied as the reasoning that underpins the reforms proposed. There exist two analytical approaches to the rule of law.[6]  While some constitutionalists adopt a thinner, procedurally-focused conception of the rule of law, others utilise a thicker, morally-infused understanding. Hayek defines the former as meaning that ‘government … is bound by rules fixed and announced beforehand.’[7] A law is consistent with the rule of law, under Hayek’s definition, when it applies generally, prospectively, and equally. Most commonly, however, the media utilise a thicker conception of the rule of law. Under this understanding, a rule, which may be procedurally satisfactory, can be so morally pregnant as to be inconsistent with what the rule of law is seen to stand for. This conception emphasises the idea that everyone, ‘be they citizens, visitors, residents or officials’ should be equal in the eyes of the law.[8]

Under a thin approach, the current state of the Constitution can be seen to open to challenge certain discriminatory provisions, which though applying retrospectively, do not apply generally or equally. Further, such discriminatory provisions (ss 25 and 51(xxvi)) can be seen to conflict with a thick conception of the rule of law.

Many constitutionalists argue for affirmative action in the form of deletion of the discriminatory provisions, sections 25 and 51(xxvi), from the Constitution. Section 25, simply expressed, gives Parliament the power to exclude Indigenous Australians from voting in Federal Elections.[9] Section 51(xxvi), 'the races power’ invests the Federal Parliament with the power to make laws regarding ‘people of any race whom it is deemed necessary to make laws.’[10] The aim of this provision, amended previously at the 1967 referendum, arguably was to afford the power to the Federal Parliament to enact laws beneficial to Indigenous Australians, yet such power has been held to include the formulation and amendment of racially-discriminatory laws.[11] As Kirby notes, in the High Court decision Kartinyeri, ‘[t]he races power was revealed … to be … a provision capable of regulating and restricting minority races.’ [12]  

Arguably, the deletion of section 25 would have little impact on the Constitution, as it is currently not utilised.[13] Yet, as Kirby stresses, any racist provisions within the Australian Constitution pose the threat of future employment.[14] On its own, deletion of section 25 is merely ‘an empty gesture, devoid of any present practical utility.’[15] Accordingly, deletion of section 51(xxvi) would affect the Constitution, resulting in the abolition of the Federal Parliament’s powers regarding Indigenous Australians. As before the 1967 referendum, their care would be left to State Parliaments. Deletion of section 51(xxvi) is impractical if it is not replaced by another clause or Act to provide that the Commonwealth is still able to make laws regarding Indigenous Australians.[16] 

Critics of the ‘deletion’ proposal, argue it would be more advantageous to alter ‘the races power’ (s 51(xxvi)) so that it is only capable of affecting Indigenous Australians in “beneficial” ways.[17] Such an argument is based on the premise that, at times, discrimination, in the sense of laws relating only to certain groups of people, is required. Hypothetically, a Marriage Act may discriminate against people, in a reasonable manner, based on age. Applying this same thinking to the reform debate, the current social state of Indigenous Australians could make benevolent discrimination, on the grounds of race, reasonably necessary. Indigenous Activist, Noel Pearson, opposes this idea, however, arguing that Indigenous well-being is in fact inhibited by the constitutional framework.[18]

A rigid, written Constitution
The Australian Constitution was designed to be permanent and lasting.[19] It is a written Constitution, meaning that it is a ‘single solemn document.’ [20] This characteristic of the Australian Constitution renders the document inflexible. Its status as supreme law dictates that it should not be susceptible to amendment in the same way as ordinary laws.[21] To alter the Constitution, the legislature must satisfy a special procedure, outlined in section 128 of the Australian Constitution.[22] The rigidity of the Australian Constitution, being wholly entrenched by such manner and form requirements, makes it almost impossible to formally amend. Historically, only 8 of the 44 referendums in Australia have proven successful.[23]

Conversely, the Constitutional documents of the states can be amended and altered with ‘comparative ease,’ ‘as parliamentary sovereignty allows the political majority of the day to alter even the most basic rules.’ [24] For the purpose of this section, parliamentary sovereignty can be understood as Parliament’s right, which cannot be overridden by any person or body, to make, or unmake, any law it sees fit.[25] The State constitutional documents function as Constitutions, yet hold the status of ordinary legislation and thus can be changed by Parliament following its normal procedures for amending Acts.[26] The states have already recognised Indigenous peoples in their Constitutions. Victoria, Queensland and New South Wales have all respectively brought about such amendment by way of an ordinary act.[27]

If the recognition of Indigenous Australia already exits at a state level, and Commonwealth laws regarding non-discrimination have been implemented, then is recognition of Indigenous Australians in the Constitution necessary? Arguably yes, as both State and Commonwealth laws can be overridden.[28] Moreover, having such provisions in the Commonwealth Constitution can have far-reaching effects. For example, the use of the term “court” in Chapter III of the Australian Constitution has been held to preserve the existence of the State courts and their ability to review executive decisions that are infected by jurisdictional error.[29]

The inflexible nature of the Australian Constitution as supreme law in Australia, however, weakens the argument for altering ‘the races power’ to benefit Indigenous Australians (outlined above) as it leaves the interpretation of “beneficial” up to the courts – the ‘Guardians of the Constitution’ or as Allan conversely opines, the ‘judicial overlords.’[30] Can we afford to impliedly invest such a significant chunk of power in the Judiciary?[31] Allan persuasively questions why ‘the views of judges should be made the presumptively correct ones.’[32] Arguably it would be more appropriate to outline this investment of power in an ordinary Act of Parliament, thus, leaving such decisions to an elected parliament, representative of the views of the people of that time. This approach treats citizens as autonomous agents who can participate more meaningfully than if such issues were left exclusively to be decided by the unelected Judges.[33]

Locking-in provisions
The rigidity of the Australian Constitution means that many provisions remain eternally entrenched.[34] Indeed, it has been this inflexibility that has preserved the Constitution’s racist undertones identified in the reform debate. Finer notes, ‘constitutions contain elements that are autobiographical … Different historical contexts have generated different preoccupations: different preoccupations have generated different emphases.’[35] Langton, argues that the need to “lock-in” Indigenous Recognition within the Constitution is necessary so as to protect Indigenous Australians from the mercy of the swings of the Australian political fulcrum.[36] The question arises, however, of what are we, the Australian voters, effectively locking-in? And further, ‘why should one Parliament as representative of a particular constituency at a particular time, have the power to bind a future Parliament, which is representative of the people at the later time?’[37] Though inspired by altruistic motivations, what the Australian voters locked in, in 1967 with ‘the races power,’ was a provision, which unreasonably discriminated against Indigenous Australians on the grounds of their race.

To avoid future examples of such discrimination, it is proposed that a non-discriminatory clause, that forbids racial discrimination, be added to the Constitution. Effectively, such a provision would turn ‘constitutional power into … constitutional recognition.’[38] However, the reform is weakened by the argument that such an implementation would be unfair and impractical as the limits to which this constitutional-guarantee would extend are hard to define. Surely it is unfair to have a non-discrimination clause that is, by its nature, discriminatory.[39] Kirby writes, “why forbid discrimination on the grounds only of race? Why not also sex or gender? Why not culture or religion? Why not physical or mental disability?”[40]

Further, a non-discrimination clause in the Constitution would result in the Racial Discrimination Act[41] becoming entrenched and therefore, thanks to the Constitution’s inflexibility, almost impossible to suspend.[42] This begs the question of how an act of Parliament can be legitimately and effectively replaced by ‘one line in the Constitution?’[43] Father Frank Brennan, argues that such a replacement is inadequate as he queries how a ‘60-page’ Act can be successfully condensed into one provision (particularly without the ‘buffering provisions’ associated with a Charter or Bill of Rights).[44]

The idea of “locking-in” provisions regarding the recognition of Indigenous Australians is, for many, both symbolically and practically important. The entrenching of a non-discrimination provision and/or the possible alteration of section 51(xvii) will pragmatically mean the exclusion of any racist undertones within the Constitution but, for some, such amendments symbolise reconciliation – an acknowledgment that all who reside in Australia are, before the eyes of the law at least, equals.[45] A possible method for constitutional recognition would be to explicitly mention Indigenous Australians in the preamble to the Constitution – an entirely symbolic act, as a preamble has no legal or political weight.[46] The issues that arise due to practicalities, however, fatally weaken this proposal.[47]   

Concluding remarks
This essay highlighted the issues presented by the proposed reforms regarding the recognition of Indigenous Australians in the Constitution, and, in doing so, illustrated the complex relationship between constitutionalism and law reform. The media largely simplifies this issue, presenting the debate in exaggerated and emotive terms. Unfortunately, the Federal Government is unable to spend money advocating referendum proposals and therefore is unable to put money into educational schemes that present a more balanced account of constitutional change than the media.[48] This essay submits that the State Governments could use their money, not limited like the Federal Parliament’s, to objectively inform the public of the constitutional issues presently pertinent.[49] 



[1] Tony Blackshield & George Williams, Australian Constitutional Law and Theory (The Federation Press, 5th ed, 2010) 1. 
[2] Megan Davis & Dylan Lino, 'Constitutional Reform and Indigenous Peoples’ (2010) 7(19) Indigenous Law Bulletin 3, 3.
[3] Expert Panel on Constitutional Recognition of Indigenous Australians, Parliament of Australia, Recognising Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the Constitution: Report of the Expert Panel (2012).
[4] Stuart Rintoul, ‘Langton “goes to far – voting no foes not indicate racism” ’ The Australian (online), 31 January 2012 <http://global.factiva.com.ezproxy.library.uq.edu.au/ha/default.aspx>; Marcia Langton & Megan Davis, ‘An answer to the race question,’ The Australian (online), 21 January 2012 <http://global.factiva.com.ezproxy.library.uq.edu.au/ha/default.aspx>.
[5] Michael Kirby, ‘Constitutional Law and Indigenous Australians: Challenge for a Parched Continent’ (Paper presented at Constitutional Change: Recognition or Substantive Rights?, Canberra, 22 July 2011) 1-25.
[6] Alexander Reilly, Gabrielle Appleby, Laura Grenfell and Wendy Lacey, Australian Public Law (Oxford University Press, 2011) 18.
[7] Ibid.
[8] David Clark Principles of Australian Public Law (LexisNexis Butterworths, 3rd ed, 2010) 18. 
[9] Australian Constitution s 51 (xxvi) .
[10] Ibid.  
[11] Kirby, above n 5, 5; Kartinyeri v The Commonwealth (1998) 195 CLR 337, 414-419 [159]-9167]; Wurridjal v The Commonwealth (2009) 237 CLR 309, 394-5 [214]. 
[12] Kirby, above n 5, 5.
[13] Ibid 16.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Ibid 17.
[16] Melissa Castan, ‘Constitutional Deficiencies in the Protection of Indigenous Australians’ (2011) 7 (25) Indigenous Law Bulletin 12, 15.
[17] Kirby, above n 5, 19.
[18] Noel Pearson, ‘Constitutional reform crucial to indigenous wellbeing’ The Australian (online), 24 December 2011 <http://global.factiva.com.ezproxy.library.uq.edu.au/ha/default.aspx>.
[19]   P H Lane, An Introduction to the Australian Constitutions (The Law Book Company Ltd, 6th ed, 1994) 3.
[20] Blackshield and Williams, above n 1, 2.
[21] Neil Parpworth, Constitutional Law: Text and Materials (Oxford University Press, 4th ed, 2006) 3, 5.
[22] Australian Constitution s 128.
[23] Graeme Orr, The Law of Politics: Elections, Parties and Money in Australia (Federation Press, 2010) 266.
[24] Parpworth, above n 22, 7.   
[25] Reilly, Appleby, Grenfell and Lacey, above n 6, 83.
[26] Cheryl Saunders, The Constitution of Australia (Hart Publishing, 2011) ch 2.
[27]George Williams, ‘Recognising Indigenous Peoples in the Australian Constitution: What the Constitution Should say and how the Referendum can be won’ (2011) Native Title Research Unit 2, 2.
[28] ABC Radio National, ‘Where to now for Constitutional Recognition of Indigenous Australians?,’ Big Ideas, 9 July 2012 (Paul Barclay, James Spielgman, Megan Davis, Alison Page, Frank Brennan, & Mick Dodson) < http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/bigideas/big-ideas-09-july-2012/4107550>.
[29] Kirk v Industrial Relations Commission of NSW v Work Cover NSW [2010] HCA 1.
[30] James Allan, ‘A Defence of the Status Quo’ in Tom Campbell at al (eds), Protection Human Rights (Oxford University Press, 2003) 175, 182.
[31] Rintoul, above n 4.
[32] James Allan, ‘Human Rights – Can we Afford to Leave them to the Judges?’ (2005) 16 Commonwealth Judicial Journal 1, 3.
[33] Ibid.
[34] Lane, above n 19, 3.
[35] Parpworth, above n 21, 8.
[36] Shireen Morris, ‘Indigenous Constitution Recognition, Non-discrimination and Equality before the Law: Why Reform is Necessary’ (2011) 7 (26) Indigenous Law Bulletin 7, 9.
[37] Blackshield and Williams, above n 1, 3.
[38] Kirby, above n 5, 18. 
[39] Ibid.
[40] Ibid.
[41] Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth). 
[42] ‘Where to now for Constitutional Recognition of Indigenous Australians?,’ above n 28.
[43] Ibid.
[44] Ibid. 
[45] Langton & Davis, above n 4.
[46] Ibid.
[47] The impracticalities render this proposal unachievable and therefore, for the purposes of this essay, not worthy of significant attention. Rintoul, above n 4.  
[48] Orr, above n 23, 269.
[49] Ibid.

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